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Peace Process is Slow but Positive
Pyongyang and Washington stayed on track to hold the planned summit despite their differences on how the denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula should proceed. However, Trump changed his stance on 24 May, cancelling the planned meeting. The DPRK attaches the greatest importance to its security and regards its nuclear programme as a guarantee for self-defence. In 2008, Pyongyang blew up the cooling tower of a nuclear plant in accordance with an agreement at the Six-Party Talks but resumed its nuclear programme after pulling out of the agreement because of the USA’s rigid stance.
Even this time, Washington tried to put maximum pressure on Pyongyang by not easing the sanctions and conducting the “Max Thunder” military drill with the ROK, which the DPRK condemned as a security threat. Nevertheless, the dramatic development didn’t come as a surprise, as Trump and Kim refused to budge from their respective rigid stance on the denuclearisation process. Both left the door open for a possible meeting, though, for the sake of the DPRK, the USA, and the world. If the two sides indeed agree to hold the summit on 12 June, it’d be a big signal that the peace process is moving in the right direction.
Shen Haitao
Professor
Northeast Asian Studies College
Jilin University
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Don’t Pin Too Much Hope on Summit
The fact that Washington and Pyongyang failed to resolve their vital disagreements on the denuclearisation process and the DPRK’s security requirements created doubts whether the planned summit would occur. Washington stuck to its “complete, verifiable, irreversible dismantlement” of Pyongyang’s nuclear programme, the DPRK insisted on a “phased denuclearisation” plan. Due to this stalemate, they couldn’t make adequate preparations for the planned summit, which in turn undermined the meeting’s practical effects on the denuclearisation process.
Trump brought the so-called pragmatic style of a businessman to his presidency. He seems determined to continue using cohesive and confrontational tactics based on an “America First” policy to fulfil his promise of “make America great again” even if they threaten regional and global peace and stability. Moreover, in his wishful thinking, he thought his tough stance, including the insistence on onetime complete denuclearisation, would force the DPRK to agree to his terms relatively quickly. However, he should’ve realised that the two countries had vital and complicated disagreements over denuclearisation for three decades. If Washington and Pyongyang can still hold talks on denuclearisation, we’d regard it as a remarkable achievement.
Fan Jishe
Senior Fellow
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
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New US-DPRK Game on Peninsula
Since Trump called off the Washington-Pyongyang summit, even after the latter released three American hostages, stopped its nuclear and missile tests, and blew up the Punggye-ri nuclear test site, the international community expected the DPRK to give a fitting and strong response to the USA. However, the DPRK didn’t choose to do that. Instead, it said it’s still willing to hold a summit “at any time, in any form”.
Trump said Pyongyang’s actions weren’t convincing enough for him to lift the sanctions against the DPRK and make enough efforts to guarantee its security. In fact, the USA said it’d lift the sanctions and take measures to minimise the threat to the DPRK only after Pyongyang completely abandoned its nuclear programme and weapons. By calling off the planned summit, which was full of uncertainties to begin with, the USA is trying to pressure the DPRK to agree to its terms. Besides, if Pyongyang resumes its nuclear or missile tests, or takes any measure that Washington sees as a threat, the US administration will use it as an excuse to strengthen its “maximum pressure” policy, even use military force to denuclearise the peninsula.
Nevertheless, Pyongyang appears committed to promoting the peninsula peace process. At the Third Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea in April, Kim said the DPRK would shift its focus to economic development. If Pyongyang maintains this attitude, the USA would have no justification for intensifying its military activities on the Korean Peninsula or in its neighbourhood. That’s why the two sides are now more likely to start a new round of diplomatic and political games… of trying to force their respective requirements on the other. Therefore, it’d take a long time and the joint efforts of all countries to actually denuclearise the peninsula.
Jin Meihua
Researcher
Northeast Asia Studies Institute
Jilin Academy of Social Sciences
30 May 2018
China Daily
http://europe.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201805/30/WS5b0de72aa31001b82571d0be.html
Are Chinese Media Reports Making the USA Anxious?
Tags: China, diplomacy, diplomatic relations, Donald Trump, People's Republic of China, political commentary, politics, PRC, United States, USA, war and conflict
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Some Chinese scholars speculate that because Chinese media presented an exaggeratedly positive invincible image of China to the outside world, it fuelled “China threat” fears in the West, particularly in the USA. Indeed, some Chinese media outlets should reflect on their exaggerated reports. However, while such scholarly arguments are well intended, their speculation doesn’t take into account the real and direct cause of the growing unsteady relations between the USA and China since Donald Trump became US President. China’s confident and practical strategy to engage the world is appropriate, even justified, given the changing times and thus we should refine it rather than halt or abandon it. Consequently, Chinese media should continue presenting China to the outside world as a positive global force, but in a more multi-varied manner.
In retrospect, Trump‘s visit to Asia on 3-14 November 2017 presaged the beginning of the US administration’s strategic shift from cooperation and competition to rivalry with China. For example, a consultation report, “Sharp Power: Rising Authoritarian Influence”, sponsored by the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy and released on 5 December 2017 attempted to define China’s soft power as “sharp power”. In a sense, the authors of the report used “sharp power” as a new and more powerful concept than soft power, in order to label any attempt by China to engage with the world, be it cultural exchanges such as the Confucius Institutes, the Belt and Road Initiative, or major country diplomacy, as malignant. Moreover, the White House National Security Strategy Report, released in December last year, categorises China as a “strategic rival” or “strategic competitor” of the USA. A flurry of op-ed commentaries in US and European media ensued to bolster the official US stance toward China.
This public opinion campaign (rather, US-style propaganda) aimed at legitimising US moves led to some ideologically-biased politicians such as Senators Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz going against the very academic freedom they claim to value by pressuring a couple of universities in their respective states of Florida and Texas to close down Confucius Institutes. In contrast, thanks to its collaborative, holistic, and win-win ideology, China is attempting to further develop its economy and thus help others do the same by aligning with the Belt and Road Initiative. In short, China wants to work with other countries to build a community of a shared future for mankind. This cooperative strategy of China won’t only help change American culture from a culture of competition bordering on violence to a culture of cooperation and collaboration, but also help alleviate Chinese scholarly worries about deteriorating US-China relations.
30 May 2018
Jia Wenshan
China Daily
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/cndy/2018-05/30/content_36295695.htm