Voices from Russia

Sunday, 13 May 2018

Chavismo Will Be Socialist or It’ll Cease to Exist



The English in this sucked. I asked a friend with a facility in Spanish to help me “crack the code”. She helped me to put this into order.


“Made in socialism”… that slogan resonated a lot in Venezuela a few years ago. It was on chocolates, yoghurts, oils, posters, embedded in a heart logo, and the inevitable red five-pointed star. Later on, it became elusive, more exception than the rule… every ministry was “of the people’s power”, and each bakery or route began to be “socialist”. Chávez questioned it on national TV by saying that calling things “socialist” doesn’t make them socialist. If there was something he longed to build, it was a transition to 21st-century socialism. Chavismo must be socialist.

It wasn’t like that from the beginning, at least publicly, perhaps, because he hadn’t yet reached that conclusion. Or, it might’ve been because in the political arena the idea was to reach that conclusion collectively… for the people to move in that direction, developing the historical subject, the epicentre of politics, to create a desire for socialism, which Chávez mentioned for the first time in 2005. Until that moment, in his first writings… for example, the Blue Book… there were strong hints, combining and coming together. It was like the recovery of the betrayed independence project… Bolivarian popular nationalism. It was a vindication of the nation carried out by the humble, with a Latin American dimension… the ethical re-establishment of a devastated country plundered for decades by a corrupt political/business class. The tricolour flag, the red beret, the military authority… plebeian, national, and social liberation in the same movement. Those were converging lines of progress in a country in organic crisis, with the masses in a movement from the Caracazo in 1989 to the emergence of Chávez like a thunderbolt in 1992.

Socialist Roots

The issue… here we can trace socialist ideas before their announcement… was to build that project through the implementation of central mechanisms, spaces for the exercise of participatory democracy, multiplication of popular organisation, tests of parallel institutions articulated to the state, a mission, a confirmation, of a political subject able to face those tasks. The strategic centre of gravity was in the humble classes, the construction of a people’s power took different forms over the years. The state must regain power and regain the economy, and then transfer it to the organised people, who were in the process of learning how to exercise that power. It was a complex architecture, virtuous, possible, and necessary. The socialist scenario appeared before the announcement of the socialist character. It wasn’t about reforming the neoliberal order to stabilise a better-distributed capitalism, but about looking for ways to overcome the order of capital. Chávez explained:

This revolution raised the banner of socialism and that requires and demands much more than any other revolution. We could’ve stayed in a national revolution, but behind that often-undefined term are hidden statements that end up being reformist, they end up toeing the line.

The definition of 2005 coincides with the formulation of communal councils, followed by the communes. Chávez postulated a communal road to socialism, which meant building a new state based on the political, cultural, and economic power of the communes. He left it in writing… the bourgeois state had to be pulverised, and for that, he wrote a plan with steps. It meant building another, on a participatory and self-managed basis, in parallel to the democratisation of the inherited state, a key part of the analysis of Istvan Meszaros. He defined it as a socialism from below, endogenous.

State Socialism

The socialist proposal of Chávez was in tension with another idea, one not formulated openly. It can be summarised thusly. The central role should fall on the state as protector and actor/main subject of the process, forms of popular organisation should be subordinated to institutions and cover limited and controlled areas. The state power should make agreements with old-guard or emerging businessmen, to bet on the creation of a national bourgeoisie, whether external or from Chávez’s trusted political allies. A state socialism on the margins… with capitalism with redistribution of wealth, without removing capital’s foundations. You can ground this debate on concrete policies. This debate is what Chávez did on a national scale, in mass pedagogy, and in his cabinet. Maszaros said:

The measurement of socialist achievement is to what degree the measures adopted contribute actively to the constitution and consolidation of a deeply-rooted substantial democratic process, of social control and general self-management.

The way to build is different if the objective is efficient management of the state, or if, along with that, the advance is towards the recovery of power in the hands of organised communities and the implementation of a new state. The subject of the revolution isn’t a minister or a mayor, but the popular classes in the process of organisation within a power strategy. Chávez then raised a socialism of the 21st-century, communal, with the development of social forms of ownership over the means of production. He left years of trials in that direction, politically and economically, whose balances are still pending.

The various Chavismos in Chavismo watched that project… rather heterogeneous, and, since 2014, with an economy on the ropes. The revolution found itself at a crossroads, with two possible paths… one being a defensive and conservative response, with possible regressions of conquests, close to the historical vision of the community road. The other path was to deepen the changes initiated, with, for example, the “expansion of the fields of action and decision of the people’s power”. The two possibilities are guides to think about the predominant view of the interior of Chavismo… but which Chavismo? Some seem to have opted for the first option, strengthening the agreement with the business community and going back on the communal bet. This debate stirred up history in the present. The analysis, like the actors, has desires, interests, and class tensions. They coexist within the same Chavismo, which somehow stays united. Where is socialism? Expressed in specific experiences that carry power, in dispute as a project within Chavismo, and threatened by asphyxia imposed by a war of attrition and bureaucratic tendencies that disbelieve the historical subject and believe… what do they believe?

Chavismo will be socialist or it’ll cease to exist.

11 May 2018

Mario Teruggi




Saturday, 3 September 2016

BREAKING NEWS. 3 September 2016. Neoliberal Trolls Insert CIA Propaganda in Green Blogosphere… Calling It “Democracy”

00 venezuela chavismo supporters 030916


The above image is of the true situation in Caracas. At present, neoliberal trolls (probably, Hillary supporters) are inserting “pro-democracy” images and vids in Green online venues. This is disinformation of the vilest sort. Greens are falling for it… the Maduro government is more “Green” than the so-called protesters are… the protestors are pro-American pro-crapitalist shits… in short, the Hillybillys are capitalising (yes, I know that’s a bad pun) on the ignorance of all too many Green supporters. Let’s keep it simple… President Maduro is bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh… the protestors are anti-people pro-American Establishment filth. Full stop. The protestors want to gut the social safety net and turn the country over to the fatcats and their Affluent Effluent lackeys… who’ll sell the country out to the American Establishment. Is that what YOU want?

Support the Maduro government and oppose the American-fomented destabilisation of Venezuela. If you don’t, and you call yourself a “Green”, you lie, and I’ll say so to your face…



Monday, 15 April 2013

Maduro Beats American-Backed Lickspittle to Win Venezuela Election… American Toady Cries Foul

00.0b Chavez. Venezuela. 08.10.12


On Sunday, election officials in Venezuela said that United Socialist Party candidate Nicolás Maduro Moros, the protégé of the late Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, narrowly won the snap presidential election. According to preliminary official results announced by the National Electoral Council, Maduro won 50.7 percent of the vote, whereas his rival, Miranda State Governor Henrique Capriles Radonski, gained 49.1 percent. During his election campaign, Maduro, 50, pledged to push forward Chávez’s “21st century socialism”, which brought popular health, education, and food programmes to the poor. Capriles, 40, vowed to bring change {that is, he wanted to kick ordinary people in the head and turn the country over to the mercies of the affluent effluent and their American paymasters: editor} to the nation of 29 million people if elected. Chávez, who’d ruled Venezuela for 14 years, died on 5 March at the age of 58 after a two-year-long fight with cancer. He named Maduro as his successor before undergoing his last surgery in December. Capriles refused to recognise his rival’s victory and called for a recount, citing irregularities in the vote. Maduro insisted that the election results were legitimate.

15 April 2013



Editor’s Note:

Boo-hoo! See how the righties act when they’re whipped? Sure, there was ballot-stuffing… by the Americans and their local quislings! Capriles is pissed off because Langley promised him the election, but they couldn’t deliver… poor baby! The Americans hate Maduro because he’s a man of the working-class… why, they have no right to govern! Power belongs to lawyers and other educated people, dontcha know! The Bolivarian Revolution survived an open election, despite American interference. This was the high-water mark for the righties in Venezuela… break out the bubbly and cheer. The USA won’t interfere militarily… it’s tied down by its warmongering misadventures in Central Asia, the Mideast, and Korea (“imperial overreach” at its finest, isn’t it, kids). Ain’t it a bitch…



Wednesday, 20 March 2013

Maduro Tops Popularity Rankings Ahead of Venezuelan Presidential Election

00 Chavez. Lying in state. Venezuela. 07.03.13


Acting Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro Moros leads the other presidential candidates in terms of popularity ahead of the forthcoming presidential election in the Latin American country. According to a poll by the Datanalisis sociological service, slightly over 49 percent of the voters stated that they’d cast their ballot for Maduro. Some 35% of those polled say they’d vote for the opposition leader, Henrique Capriles Radonski. This presidential election was called following the death of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías on 5 March. The election is due on 14 April.


Venezuela’s Acting President and top contender for the presidency, Nicolás Maduro Moros, pledged to stay the course of the Bolivarian Revolution if he wins next month’s election. Speaking on Monday, Maduro said that on April 14 his supporters were bound to score the biggest victory in the country’s entire history.


Two candidates registered to run for the presidency in Venezuela, Hugo Chávez’s successor Nicolás Maduro Moros, and opposition leader Henrique Capriles Radonski. Both have a bit more than a month to attract as many supporters on their side as possible. Snap presidential elections in Venezuela shall occur on 14 April. The previous presidential elections in Venezuela took place October 2012. Then, Sr Chávez, who was diagnosed with cancer, won with an 11 percent lead over his rival Capriles. This time around, the opposition Coalition for Democratic Unity again picked Capriles as its candidate.

Zbignev Ivanovsky, an expert at the Institute for Latin American Studies, said, “Capriles is 40 years old, and was brought up in a Catholic family. He graduated from Andrés Bello Catholic University in Caracas with a degree in law; he’s also a successful businessman… his family owns assets in the media and in the film industry”.

In the 2008 regional elections, he won election as Governor of Miranda state, defeating Chávez supporter and former Vice President Diosdado Cabello Rondón. One should mention that Capriles received this nomination after his party’s defeat in the presidential election. Now, Henrique Capriles is going to compete with interim president Nicolás Maduro Moros. Ivanovsky went on to say, “He’s a very energetic politician. He’s 50, and he’s had a meteoric political career…from bus-driver to Vice President. He was a member of the left-wing opposition party, was a trades union activist, and took part in writing the Venezuelan Constitution. For many years, he served as the country’s foreign minister. Therefore, he’s a very experienced politician. Although he didn’t receive higher education, he has impressive experience”.

Although Capriles enjoys wide support from middle-class Venezuelans, most analysts predict that Maduro would win the election. He’s of working-class background, and has support from ordinary people. Besides, he’s promised to retain Chávez’s policies, which is what many people hope for these days. Chávez’s critics will vote for Capriles.

 Aleksei Chernyaev, an expert in American and Latin American politics, said, “As far as Russia’s position is concerned, it’d like to see Maduro as president, as that would guarantee that Venezuela would fulfil previously-reached agreements. However, it would be quite likely that if Capriles becomes president, he would suspend arms deals with Russia”. The presidential campaign has just begun, but the candidates have already exchanged harsh remarks… Maduro called his rival “a fascist”, whilst Capriles promised Maduro a difficult path to the presidential post. The struggle is going to be tough.

Natalya Kovalenko

12/19 March 2013

Voice of Russia World Service




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